manvar surname caste in gujaratbest imperial trooper team swgoh piett. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disintegrating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). The chiefly families constituted a tiny proportion of the total population of any second-order division among the Kolis. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. 3 0 obj Radhvanaj Rajputs were clearly distinguished from, and ranked much above local Kolis. The four major woven fabrics produced by these communities are cotton, silk, khadi and linen. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). Tirgaar, Tirbanda. It was also an extreme example of a division having a highly differentiated internal hierarchy and practising hypergamy as an accepted norm. In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . This was dramatized in many towns at the mahajan (guild) feasts when all the members of the guild of traders would eat together. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolisthe largest castehave remained predominantly rural even today. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. The Kanbis (now called Patidars) had five divisions: Leva, Kadya, Anjana, Bhakta, and Matia. manvar surname caste in gujarat. They have been grouped in Vaishya category of Varna system. As for the size of other castes, I shall make mainly relative statements. Many of them became the norm-setting elite for Gujaratis in the homeland. I hope to show in this paper how the principle of division is also a primary principle competing with the principle of hierarchy and having important implications for Indian society and culture. With the exclusion of caste (except scheduled caste) from the census since 1951 (practically since 1941, because the census of that year did not result in much reporting), writings on castes as horizontal units greatly declined. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, [] While some hypergamous and hierarchical tendency, however weak, did exist between tads within an ekda and between ekdas within a second- order division, it was practically non-existent among the forty or so second-order divisions, such as Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, Khadayata and so on, among the Vanias. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. Hypergamy tended to be associated with this hierarchy. The handloom weavers of Gujarat, Maharastra and Bengal produced and exported some of the world's most desirable fabrics. In some parts of Gujarat they formed 30 to 35 per cent of the population. Plagiarism Prevention 4. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. The earliest caste associations were formed in Bombay in the middle of the 19th century among migrants belonging to the primarily urban and upper castes from Gujarat, such as Vanias, Bhatias and Lohanas (see Dobbin 1972: 74-76, 121-30, 227f, 259-61). To obtain a clear understanding of the second-order divisions with the Koli division, it is necessary first of all to find a way through the maze of their divisional names. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. If the marriage took place within the Vania fold but outside the tad or ekda, as the case may be, the punishment varied according to the social distance between the tads or ekdas of the bride and the groom. Leva Kanbis, numbering 400,000 to 500,000 m 1931, were the traditional agricultural caste of central Gujarat. Caste associations have been formed on the lines of caste divisions. The main occupation of Vankars was the weaving of cloth. (Frequently, such models are constructed a priori rather than based on historical evidence, but that is another story). The guiding ideas were samaj sudharo (social reform) and samaj seva (social service). The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. As could be expected, there were marriages between fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. According to the Rajputs I know in central Gujarat, the highest stratum among them consisted of the royal families of large and powerful kingdoms in Gujarat and neighbouring Rajasthan, such as those of Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Kachchh, Porbandar, Bikaner, Idar, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Udaipur, and so on. I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. The Kayatias main occupation was to perform a ritual on the eleventh day after death, during which they took away offerings made to ghosts: this was the main cause of their extremely low status among Brahmans. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. Frequently, the shift from emphasis on co-operation and hierarchy in the caste system to emphasis on division (or difference or separation) is described as shift from whole to parts, from system to elements, from structure to substance. New Jersey had the highest population of Mehta families in 1920. To take one sensitive area of purity/pollution behaviour, the concern for observance of rules of commensality has greatly declined not only in urban but also in rural areas. Castes having continuous internal hierarchy and lacking effective small endogamous units, such as Rajputs, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals, do not have active associations for lower-order divisions. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). //